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    Philip Schuyler Is Knocked Off His Pedestal in Albany

    A statue of the Revolutionary War general, newly prominent thanks to the musical “Hamilton,” has been removed from its place outside Albany City Hall because he enslaved people.There was a time when one probably had to be a committed Revolutionary War buff or an aficionado of early Albany aristocracy to know the name Philip J. Schuyler.But that was before “Hamilton.”Indeed, as any devotee of the blockbuster musical can tell you, the Schuylers were Colonial-era movers and shakers, and the central figures in the show’s fraught love triangle between Hamilton and two of the Schuyler sisters.And while Philip Schuyler never speaks during the show, he is a presence even before he becomes Hamilton’s father-in-law: “Take Philip Schuyler, the man is loaded,” Aaron Burr intones, and Schuyler is mentioned frequently by his daughters, Angelica, Eliza and Peggy.In reality, Schuyler was much more prominent than a bit part: the patriarch of a wealthy Albany family — a patroon, as Dutch-era landowners were known — he served as a New York lawmaker, a United States senator, and a major general in the war with the British, and was a close friend of George Washington.Those accomplishments had resulted in a seven-foot-tall statue of Schuyler being placed, nearly a century ago, on a pedestal in front of Albany’s grandly Romanesque City Hall, just across from the State Capitol. In recent years it sometimes drew “Hamilton” fans to snap selfies.The Schuyler statue — in bronze, by J. Massey Rhind, a Scottish-born sculptor — had stood outside City Hall since 1925. iStock/Getty ImagesBut Schuyler also enslaved people, by some accounts among the most in the Albany area at the time. That fact has led to a reconsideration of his legacy, and ultimately to his statue’s removal — a slow-motion retreat on a flatbed trailer — after years of delays and amid a backlash by some who argue that such actions do little to remedy past sins and may even miss an opportunity for education.The removal is part of a wider reckoning with the racist actions of historical figures, a movement that gained steam during the Black Lives Matter protests sparked by the May 2020 murder of George Floyd, who died after being handcuffed and pinned to the ground by a white police officer in Minneapolis. That re-evaluation has included the removal or dismantling of scores of monuments devoted to Confederate figures, and has even touched on Hamilton himself, who some scholars say is likely to have enslaved people despite his reputation as an abolitionist.In Schuyler’s case, the statue’s detachment — from a pedestal hiding a 1920s time capsule, complete with a letter from a Schuyler descendant — was authorized by Albany’s mayor, Kathy Sheehan, via executive order in June 2020.In an interview, Ms. Sheehan said that her decision had come, in part, after concerns were raised by Black members of her staff. “You couldn’t get into City Hall without walking past the statue,” said Sheehan, a Democrat, who said budget problems and the pandemic had stymied earlier efforts to move the statue.Mayor Kathy Sheehan of Albany held a news conference after a time capsule was discovered in the base of the statue.Cindy Schultz for The New York TimesMs. Sheehan noted that Schuyler’s slaveholding was well-known. Nearly two decades ago, the remains of enslaved people were discovered buried on property once owned by the Schuyler family.Alice Green, the executive director of the Center for Law and Justice, a civil rights organization in Albany, said that the statue’s removal was “a relief.”“It didn’t seem right that we should have a statue on public property, glorifying and paying tribute to someone who had done what he did to African American people,” said Dr. Green, adding that her group had worked for years to have Schuyler sent packing, and that the publicity around “Hamilton” may have given the effort momentum.“Some people, I think, became more angry after learning more about who Schuyler was,” Dr. Green said. “And they only were able to do that because people started talking about Schuyler as a result of ‘Hamilton.’”The removal was met with opposition from some prominent local lawmakers: Representative Elise Stefanik, the third-highest ranking Republican in the House majority, who represents a district in Northern New York, accused Ms. Sheehan of trying to “erase history” with the statue’s removal.Jeff Perlee, a Republican member of the Albany County Legislature, echoed that.“I just think it reflects poorly on Albany, and its awareness of its own history,” said Mr. Perlee, adding that — unlike Confederate figures — Schuyler was “someone who sacrificed everything he had to create this country.”“Can you imagine Boston turning its back on Sam Adams or Virginia denying Thomas Jefferson?” Mr. Perlee continued. “The leaders in those places, I think, are sophisticated enough to understand the historical context and the whole measure of attributes and negative features of historical figures. And unfortunately, the leaders in Albany don’t.”Workers with the time capsule, and its contents, found in the base of the statue.Cindy Schultz for The New York TimesThere is no question that Schuyler — and Hamilton — had a major presence in Albany. Hamilton, who famously died in a duel with Burr, his political rival, in 1804, was married to Eliza Schuyler at the family’s mansion on Albany’s south side in 1780, where Hamilton also worked on the U.S. Constitution, according to “Oh Albany!,” a history of the city by William Kennedy, the Pulitzer Prize-winning author. Both Hamilton and Burr also had law practices in the capital, not far from City Hall.The Schuyler Mansion, overlooking the Hudson River, was a seat of power in old Albany, an impressive estate with formal gardens and a working farm manned by dozens of enslaved people and other servants, according to the state’s parks department. Mr. Kennedy said that Schuyler — who married Catherine Van Rensselaer, from another prominent Dutch family — was host to some of America’s most famous figures at its most formative moments.“He was constantly talking with people like Benjamin Franklin when they were planning the Declaration of Independence,” said Kennedy, who is 95 and the éminence grise of Albany’s literary scene. “And his house was a place of common traffic with the leadership of this nation.”The Schuyler statue — in bronze, by J. Massey Rhind, a Scottish-born sculptor — was a gift of George C. Hawley, a local beer baron, and treated as front-page news in the Knickerbocker Press, which recounted a parade and thousands of onlookers at its unveiling, including military units and Boy Scouts, in June 1925.“The attention of millions of persons from all parts of the world will be arrested by General Schuyler’s figure, eloquent reminder of duties of manhood and obligations of citizenship,” the Press quoted Charles H. Johnson, the keynote speaker, as saying.Mr. Johnson’s prediction may have been hyperbolic, but the smash success of “Hamilton” — which opened at the Public Theater in 2015 and transferred to Broadway — has had a spillover effect to related Albany attractions. Attendance at the Schuyler mansion — now a state historic site — doubled between 2015 to 2019, as officials there and others began offering special Alexander Hamilton tours at the mansion and around Albany.The Schuyler sisters have also had their close-up, with specialized tours at the mansion, and a 2019 exhibition at the Albany Institute of History and Art.The Schuyler sisters: Phillipa Soo as Eliza, Renee Elise Goldsberry as Angelica and Jasmine Cephas Jones as Peggy in “Hamilton” on Broadway in 2015.Sara Krulwich/The New York TimesAt the same time, however, historians here do not try to whitewash Schuyler’s personal connection with slaveholding, including at the mansion, said Heidi L. Hill, the site’s manager. The mansion’s exhibits highlight the stories of an enslaved butler and valet of Philip Schuyler, as well the story of an enslaved woman who fled the mansion. The mansion also was the publisher of a 2020 paper linking Hamilton to slavery.Schuyler died in 1804, just months after Hamilton was killed in the duel. Schuyler’s fame ebbed, but his name has continued to be affixed to villages, schools and bakeries around the Albany area (though some of those have also decided to change their names).“He’s one of those figures that’s like hugely significant in his own lifetime, but he doesn’t have quite as prominent a role post-Revolution,” said Maeve Kane, an associate professor of history at the University at Albany. “So he has this role during the Revolution and then he kind of fades away.”Dr. Kane added that while the musical hadn’t necessarily changed the perception of Philip Schuyler, it had “acted as a catalyst for these broader conversations about early America.”“And as a historian, I think that’s valuable,” Dr. Kane said.As for the sculpture itself, the bronze was taken to an undisclosed location as the city considers where it put it; a 2022 study, “What to Do With Phil?,” authored by a local youth group — the Young Abolitionist Leadership Institute — considered several options, including moving the statue to a location near the Capitol.In the meantime, Mayor Sheehan says that she hopes that a new city commission — likely to be approved by Albany’s Common Council this summer — will find a good spot where the fullness of Schuyler’s life can be told, saying the removal is “not about scrubbing” the past.“It’s not about cancel culture and not about canceling him, but about moving him to a place where the entire story is contextualized,” she said, adding, “You cannot contextualize the history of anyone on a traffic circle.” More

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    Dobby’s Grave Can Stay on a Beach in Wales, but Please Stop Giving Him Socks

    After a grave site for the “Harry Potter” elf became a tourist attraction, tributes to the character prompted environmental concerns.LONDON — In one of the more tragic moments from the “Harry Potter” series — spoilers ahead if you’ve been meaning to get around to it for a decade or two — Dobby, an elf, dies in Harry Potter’s arms on an expansive beach that the creature describes, in one of his final breaths, as “such a beautiful place to be with friends.”The “beautiful place” where the scene was filmed for the 2010 movie “Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows: Part 1” was Freshwater West Beach in Pembrokeshire, Wales, where fans have assembled a memorial to Dobby, a recurring character in the series who befriended Harry and his fellow wizards-in-training and became a fan favorite. Environmental officials, however, became concerned that the site’s popularity with tourists was having a negative effect on the beach and considered tearing the memorial down as part of an eight-month review.Last week, Dobby’s grave site won a reprieve, when officials announced that it could stay, as long as visitors stopped leaving behind tributes to Dobby — or, from a different perspective, environmentally ruinous litter.Dobby, who is voiced by Toby Jones in the “Harry Potter” movies, in a scene from “Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallows: Part 1.” Warner Brothers Pictures“The memorial to Dobby will remain at Freshwater West in the immediate term for people to enjoy,” the National Trust Wales, the conservation charity that initiated the review of the area, wrote in its assessment. “The Trust is asking visitors to only take photos when visiting the memorial to help protect the wider landscape.”Part of the problem arose from a gesture many fans most likely intended as a tribute but had damaging consequences: People kept giving Dobby socks.In the “Harry Potter” series, Harry tricks Dobby’s master, the evil Lucius Malfoy, into giving his captive elf a sock, which frees Dobby. The elf then wears the sock until his dying moment, making it a memorable symbol of his friendship with Harry.Back in the real world, socks are a bad thing to leave on a beach. Many have been left at the grave site along with messages painted on rocks to match Harry’s final tribute to his friend: “Here lies Dobby, a free elf.”The National Trust Wales said in its assessment that “items like socks, trinkets, and paint chips from painted pebbles could enter the marine environment and food chain and put wildlife at risk.” Tens of thousands of people visit the beach each year, the trust said, and more than 5,000 responded to an online survey as it sought the public’s opinion on the future of the site.“While we’re delighted that so many want to visit, we have to balance the popularity of the site with impacts on the sensitive nature of the beach and wider environment, and pressure on the facilities and surrounding roads,” Jonathan Hughes, an official with National Trust Wales, said in a statement. More

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    In ‘Downtown Stories,’ Theater That Uses New York as Its Stage

    “Mic check 1, 2, 1, 2. Welcome to the official unofficial unauthorized ‘Hamilton!’ walking tour,” the actress Michelle J. Rodriguez called out into her portable voice amplifier, a headset with a microphone and speaker, worn like a fanny pack. “Just kidding, it’s authorized. I just like to say that.”So begins “Uncovering Downtown: A Magical Expedition of Unrecorded Dreams,” one of two walking tours in “Downtown Stories,” a series of interactive theater being staged through June 25 in downtown Manhattan. Presented by Downtown Alliance, a nonprofit organization that manages Lower Manhattan’s business improvement district, and En Garde Arts, an experimental theater company, the three productions — two guided tours and one “docu-theater” play — weave New York City’s landmarks into the storytelling.The actress Michelle J. Rodriguez leads a fictional walking tour about Alexander Hamilton. Calla Kessler for The New York Times“Who wore it better, Lin-Manuel or Alexander?” Rodriguez continued with the enthusiasm of a college tour guide, drawing from her days as an actual campus tour guide at Williams College. Fun facts are delivered like a history lesson until you remember that you’re on a fictional walking tour. Were Hamilton’s gold epaulets really sold at auction for $1.15 million? (They were.)The play takes its audience members through crowds of rushed New Yorkers and unhurried tourists, perhaps some on their own “Hamilton & Washington” history tours, meandering from Bowling Green Park to the back alley of Marketfield Street — stopping for a moment north of Bowling Green Park to observe tourists gawking at the bronze “Charging Bull” sculpture. (“Boy, do people really like to take pictures with an ass,” Rodriguez says.)Anne Hamburger, the artistic director of En Garde Arts, said the inspiration for the work came from “theater being ingrained with the city at large.”Rodriguez is enthusiastic, drawing from her days as a college tour guide. Calla Kessler for The New York TimesShe added, “That’s what I’m excited by, coming together with a group of artists and saying, ‘How would you use this city as a stage?’”All three productions tell the tales of what the company calls “dreams from New York’s oldest streets.” In “Uncovering Downtown,” directed by Jessica Holt and co-written by Holt and Mona Mansour (“The Vagrant Trilogy”), audiences follow an out-of-work Puerto Rican performance artist who takes a job leading a “Hamilton!” walking tour. “We the People (Not the Bots),” written by Eric Lockley and directed by Morgan Green, introduces a man visiting from the future. He’s here to teach lessons about the past in hopes of stopping the world from becoming a robot-controlled society. The time traveler, played by Lockley, takes his audience to the Soldiers’ Monument at Trinity Church, where he embodies a prisoner of war in 1777, and to the Department of Motor Vehicles at 11 Greenwich Street, where he tells the story of a young Jean-Michel Basquiat tagging Lower Manhattan with graffiti art.In an afrofuturistic guided tour written by Lockley, he plays a time traveler who teaches lessons about the past to protect against a possible robot-controlled society.Calla Kessler for The New York TimesIn writing a sci-fi production heavy on rendering historical moments, Lockley said he wanted to think about how Black people might “use ancestry in the future to arm ourselves.”“I want to remind people that we are more than what we see,” he said. “There’s a spiritual element to it.”In the documentary-theater piece “Sidewalk Echoes,” performed at the John Street United Methodist Church, the playwright Rogelio Martinez and the director Johanna McKeon tell the stories of working immigrants. An Irish immigrant lands a job at an Italian restaurant but can’t pronounce orecchiette. A Catholic man from India begins working as a gas station attendant but quits after three days when the owner asks him if he wears a diaper on his head. An Uzbeki immigrant by way of Israel earns his barber’s license by demonstrating a haircut on a homeless man.The production “Sidewalk Echoes” blends fact, fiction and history. The story draws from real interviews with local business owners in New York City. Calla Kessler for The New York Times“When you see someone sleeping on the subway it’s not because they don’t want to work,” the barber says. “Maybe they just work too hard.”These are the stories of the people working in downtown Manhattan’s businesses. To write the script, Martinez listened to hours of interviews that Hamburger had conducted with local business owners. He then created narratives about immigrants building their lives in New York City. Some of the lines in the play were taken verbatim from their conversations, others are composites of multiple characters, blending together history, fact and fiction.“As an immigrant myself, I’m always interested in reinventing yourself and changing the pattern of one’s stories,” said Martinez, who is from Cuba. “This is my chance to listen to a community reflect. And from there, I could craft my story.”In the show, a banker turned food and wellness advocate tells a friend back in her native Australia that here, “people are really restless.”“We reinvent ourselves,” she tells the audience, sitting in the church pews. “Body cells replace themselves every seven years or so. And that’s in our DNA. And it just so happens it’s in New York’s DNA, too.”Each 45-minute walking tour concludes at neighborhood restaurants where audience members can use their $20 ticket as a meal voucher to support a local eatery. “Sidewalk Echoes” is free. More

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    She Never Stopped Loving Otis Redding. Her City Never Stopped Needing Him.

    The soul singer has been gone for more than half a century. Zelma Redding’s love affair with him — and his with Macon, Ga. — has never ended.MACON, Ga. — Zelma Redding is involved in one of those complicated long-term relationships — fueled by passion, pain and habit — that her husband, Otis Redding Jr., once sang about with the singular mix of combustibility and tenderness that made him a global star.Mrs. Redding, 79, still lives on the sprawling ranch outside of Macon, Ga., that Mr. Redding bought for his family in 1965, two years before his small private plane nose-dived into a Wisconsin lake on the way to a concert. She had him laid to rest next to her driveway by a stand of tall pine trees. Her name is carved into the empty tomb next to his.She likes the fact that she can see the graves from her living room window. In the 54 years since his death, she has not remarried.“Never will,” she said. “I love being Mrs. Otis Redding. I’m the only one.”When Zelma Redding looks out the living room window, she can see her husband’s grave. Lynsey Weatherspoon for The New York TimesSuch are the contours of Macon’s greatest contemporary love story. But for decades, it has also fallen to Mrs. Redding to manage another love story, this one involving her husband and Macon itself. Beset by poverty and bedeviled by the ghosts of segregation, Mr. Redding’s hometown, an old cotton hub 85 miles southeast of Atlanta, has long looked to the soul singer as a symbol of unity, holding up his tale of African American success as the best of what the city might be. For years, a portrait of the musician has been prominently displayed at Macon City Hall, as if the singer of “I’ve Been Loving You Too Long” were a founding father.Today, Mrs. Redding is preparing what is likely to be her life’s crowning project: a 9,000-square-foot educational complex that the family nonprofit, the Otis Redding Foundation, is planning to build downtown. Mrs. Redding has donated $1 million to buy the property. The new home of the Otis Redding Center for the Arts will be a place for children to learn, practice and perform, with scholarships for poor students — a machine, if such a thing is even possible, for turning out more Otis Reddings.After her husband’s death in December 1967, Mrs. Redding found herself, at age 25, terrified and grieving, without a high school diploma and responsible for raising the couple’s three small children. These days, locals refer to her as the Queen. The honorific suits her in many ways — not least because of her calculation, over the decades, that the Redding family should be deeply involved in Macon’s civic life yet somehow float above its politics and petty grievances, in keeping with her husband’s music, which was both apolitical and universally beloved.In a recent interview, Mrs. Redding, a diminutive woman with a quick wit and occasionally salty tongue, noted with pride that the new arts center would be on Cotton Avenue, in the heart of the city’s historic Black business district. A bronze statue of Mr. Redding at the center will stand three blocks from a towering Confederate statue.If Mrs. Redding sees her husband’s statue as a rejoinder to the Confederate monument, she does not let on. She can also be evasive when asked what it is like to miss him. To hold the grief at bay, she said, she keeps his memory close with a sea of mementos — at the couple’s old ranch house, and at the Otis Redding Foundation offices — though sometimes she imagines him alive and growing old with her.Otis Redding performing on stage, circa 1960.RB/Redferns“I tell my daughter all the time, I say, ‘Oh, Karla, I just wonder what Otis would look like. I’m almost 80. I got gray hair. I wonder would he have gray hair?’“Karla says, ‘Mama, what are you talking about?’”Mrs. Redding can still talk about him almost as if he were still alive, recreating their verbal sparring, the old push-pull tension of men and women bound together — the arguing, loving and working things out that was at the heart of so many songs in the blues and R&B canon.Their relationship was not perfect. According to a 2017 biography by Jonathan Gould, Mrs. Redding endured her husband’s infidelities as he ground out an incessant touring schedule. She knew what it was like to miss him long before he died; she once expressed her longing with a poem she gave him after he returned from a tour of Europe.“You ain’t no songwriter,” she recalled Mr. Redding saying as he took the poem. Eventually, he used it as the basis for “I’ve Got Dreams to Remember,” one of his most stirring ballads.Mrs. Redding noted that she received a writing credit for the song, which she did not know he had recorded until after he died. “Oh yeah,” she said, chuckling. “And I get paid.”Mr. Redding’s posthumous release “(Sittin’ On) The Dock of the Bay” went to No. 1 on the Billboard Hot 100 singles chart in 1968. The next year, Mrs. Redding flew to Los Angeles and accepted two Grammy Awards on his behalf, self-conscious all the while about her Southern accent.But her vulnerability had always come with an independent streak: “I’m not your baby,” she told Mr. Redding when they first met, after he had dared to call her baby.Soon after his death, Mrs. Redding earned a high school equivalency degree, enrolled in business classes and went to work at a booking agency owned by Phil Walden, Mr. Redding’s former manager. She eventually opened her own booking business, then a record store, then a nightclub. Making sure her family was receiving the royalties and other payments due to them became a major preoccupation. She studied the sharks of the music business, and learned to swim with them.Zelma Redding at the Zelma Redding Theatrical Agency offices in the late 1970s.Family photoKarla Redding, Dexter Redding, Zelma Redding, and Otis Redding III at the Big O Ranch in the 1970s.Family photoRacial tensions, meanwhile, flared in Macon in the late 1960s and early ’70s, exacerbated at times by Mayor Ronnie Thompson. A flamboyant white gospel singer, Mr. Thompson once issued “shoot to kill” orders against Black activists and earned the nickname “Machine Gun” after firing on a suspected sniper during a particularly tense moment in July 1971, after declaring a state of emergency. But by 1974, on the seventh anniversary of Mr. Redding’s death, Mr. Thompson had invited Mrs. Redding to a ceremony in which he renamed a bridge across the Ocmulgee River in her husband’s honor.“Mayor Ronnie Thompson, according to most people in the community, was a stout racist,” said Karla Redding-Andrews, Mrs. Redding’s daughter. “But he loved Otis Redding.”After the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis in 2020, protesters in Macon demanded the removal of their city’s Confederate statuary. Mayor Lester Miller raised the possibility of having the Otis Redding statue replace the Confederate statue on Cotton Avenue, which was once the site of a major slave market.The family, which owns the Redding statue, said that was not its decision to make. Mrs. Redding said she did not want people in Macon to think the family “was pushing everything on them.”A Confederate statue stands next to the Otis Redding Foundation offices, the light tan building at right.Lynsey Weatherspoon for The New York TimesThe Macon-Bibb County Commission voted to relocate the Confederate monument, although that plan has been postponed by a lawsuit filed by a group called the Military Order of the Stars and Bars.But it is the Otis Redding Foundation, and Mrs. Redding’s family, that has been more influential in setting the tone in modern Macon. Mrs. Redding’s children and her grandson Justin Andrews have been regulars on boards and commissions, addressing issues from downtown redevelopment to food insecurity. Since 2007, the foundation has offered music classes and arts camps to thousands of children.Mrs. Redding sees this as an extension of her husband’s loyalty to Macon, a sentiment that puzzled his pop-music contemporaries: In the 1960s there were certainly easier places for a famous Black man to settle down and raise a family. Mr. Gould, the biographer, noted that another hometown hero, Little Richard, was banned from the city stemming from a 1955 arrest on a “lewd conduct” charge. But Mr. Redding, who died at age 26, had co-founded a record label in the city and had dreamed of it becoming a hub of Southern musical creativity, a mini-Memphis in the heart of middle Georgia.The dream flourished, for a while, though in a curious way. In 1969, Mr. Walden co-founded Capricorn Records, promoting the Allman Brothers and a number of mostly white “Southern Rock” acts that were influenced by Black performers like Mr. Redding, but were sometimes marketed with Old South imagery like the Confederate battle flag. Today, a small downtown museum dedicated to Capricorn notes, in a wall display, that such imagery “complicates the legacy of an otherwise progressive label.”In addition to Mr. Redding’s commercial ambitions, Mrs. Redding said, her husband — who was, like her, a high school dropout — had also begun thinking hard before his death about philanthropic efforts geared toward children and education. In his absence, Mrs. Redding and her family have allowed themselves to to be creative about what it might mean to produce the next Otis Redding.Memorabilia adorns the Redding home and helps to hold Zelma Redding’s grief at bay.Lynsey Weatherspoon for The New York TimesIn 2005, they learned that a local high school student of modest means named Roderick Cox was dreaming of studying French horn in college but did not own an instrument. Word got to Mrs. Redding. Mr. Cox got his horn. In November 2018, the Redding family was at Walt Disney Concert Hall to watch Mr. Cox, the recipient of that year’s Sir Georg Solti Conducting Award, lead the Los Angeles Philharmonic as it performed Francis Poulenc’s Organ Concerto and Saint-Saëns’s Symphony No. 3.“I knew his mind, the way he thought,” Mrs. Redding said of her husband. “And if you love somebody, you’re going to always keep that in your mind — you know, ‘Otis did it this way, and I’m going to do it this way.’ And it worked.” More

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    8 Ways a Modern Civil Rights Movement Moved the Culture

    8 Ways a Modern Civil Rights Movement Moved the CultureFrom music to movies, canceled podcasts to toppled monuments, our writers take stock of the culture we shared in the year after George Floyd’s murder.Richard A. ChanceBlack Squares, Mass-Producedby Amanda HessThe ‘Reply All’ Meltdownby Reggie UgwuRacism Became the Genreby Wesley MorrisSongs of Pain and Defianceby Joe CoscarelliThe Many Faces of George Floydby Maya PhillipsRevisiting Monuments, Revisiting Historyby Jason FaragoOur Bookshelves, Ourselves?by Lauren ChristensenMaking Museums Move Fasterby Holland CotterMay 20, 2021On May 25, 2020, George Floyd was murdered under the knee of a white police officer, who is now in prison. Even so, a year later — after Americans protested and posted black squares on social media; after calls for the convictions of the officers who killed Breonna Taylor and other Black Americans went unanswered — the question remains: After the most significant civil rights movement in the lifetime of many of us, how much has changed? When the dust settles, what of the uprising persists?One answer just might lie in the art. From “Judas and the Black Messiah” to H.E.R.’s “I Can’t Breathe,” from the canceling of podcasts to the toppling of monuments to oppression, from “White Fragility” to Ibram X. Kendi’s “How to Be an Antiracist”: Thanks to the culture we shared in a year unlike any other, the world looks, for better or worse, at least a little different.AMANDA HESSBlack Squares, Mass-ProducedRichard A. ChanceOne day last June, black squares fell across Instagram at a terrific speed. Instagram is a visual medium, and when tens of millions of users uploaded a blank image to their grids, it said something. But what? Did the black square announce allegiance to a protest movement against the police? Was it a simple nod of respect toward George Floyd, a kind of funeral veil thrown over the digital home of the selfie? Was it a circus of white discomfort, a mass announcement that white people felt like they ought to say something about racism, but they definitely didn’t know what? Or was it more calculated than that — a reputational strategy to shield the posters from their own reckoning?The black squares grew out of a provocation from a pair of young Black music executives. Under the name #TheShowMustBePaused, Brianna Agyemang and Jamila Thomas called out the hypocrisy endemic to the American culture industry: “I don’t want to sit on your Zoom calls talking about the black artists who are making you so much money, if you fail to address what’s happening to black people right now,” they wrote in a series of statements. “The show can’t just go on, as our people are being hunted and killed.” In its demand to improve the working conditions of Black creatives, the pause recalled the radical tradition of the labor strike.But as the idea washed across social media, its pointed message eroded. In the days leading up to the pause, brands translated its ideas into palatable corporate innuendos about “solidarity,” “diversity” and “inclusion.” The statements all seemed to be rendered in white text on black backgrounds, as if they had been mass produced in the same crisis conference room. Soon the day of action came to be known as Blackout Tuesday, with its central iconography of the black square, named after the default shape of an Instagram post.There was something suspicious about the eagerness with which the symbol of protest was taken up by entities, like N.F.L. teams, that had previously squashed Black Lives Matter activism in their ranks. #TheShowMustBePaused had been animated by its specificity: two Black women risking their careers by speaking out against racism in their industry. When millions of people joined in, the context was diluted to the point of inscrutability; the act was so popular that it came to feel perfunctory, as if everyone with a social media account was now engaging in a bit of crisis control for their personal brands. By the time the trend reached a Canadian Garfield-themed restaurant — which posted a baffling image of the cartoon cat’s eyes squinting languidly atop a black square — the movement had been recast as a farce. The campaign had come full circle: What began as a protest of corporate appropriation of Black culture became another Black cultural artifact for brands to exploit for their own ends.REGGIE UGWUThe ‘Reply All’ MeltdownPodcasts are good for going deep. They unfold unhurriedly, at the speed of a cocktail conversation, or a bedtime story. Most, to some degree, are serialized, leaving a trail of bread crumbs to draw in the listener. Over the last year, as media institutions around the country were attempting to take a deeper look at themselves, re-examining their roles in perpetuating racist narratives, few were under more scrutiny than the food magazine Bon Appetít, the subject of a multipart series that premiered in February from the celebrated internet and culture podcast “Reply All.” The series, “The Test Kitchen,” was a kind of post-mortem, investigating why the magazine had seemed to self-destruct in the wake of the protests in June, when photos resurfaced of its editor in a racially stereotyped costume. But “Reply All” hadn’t looked deep enough. After the second of four planned episodes aired, several Black former employees of the company that produces the show, Gimlet Media, cried hypocrisy. They accused Gimlet, and senior staffers of “Reply All” specifically, of the same kinds of transgressions that had plagued Bon Appetít. Within days, the series was canceled and the staffers had stepped down. It was a cautionary tale that reverberated across the industry: Reporting on racial equity is one thing, practicing it is another.WESLEY MORRISRacism Became the GenreRichard A. ChanceFor more than 30 years, when a slain Black American ushers in national tragedy, anyone looking for explanatory art could always find clarity in “Do the Right Thing.” Spike Lee released his first masterpiece in 1989, in the wake of killings in New York City. The film’s depiction of one block in a Brooklyn neighborhood and its climactic implosion pivots on gentrification, police brutality and systemic injustice that Lee refuses to name. Therein resides its power. Invisible strings pull at its characters. They’re helpless against the inferno that engulfs their home — fate, in the classical sense.The murder of George Floyd last Memorial Day left a considerably vaster wake; tragedy didn’t simply grip the nation, it shook the country, hard. This time, anyone looking for explanatory art received almost satirical algorithmic advice. Here, for instance, is “The Help.” Once again, Lee’s film felt most apt. But other television shows and movies have flooded the breach of what seems right to call the Floyd era, a period in which the status has been vigorously de-quo’ed with respect to a centuries-old racism that white Americans, suddenly, realized was as elemental for this country as fire. It’s mostly work that was made before last May but seemed to anticipate the mood since Floyd’s death crystallized ancient dismay.On HBO, there was “Lovecraft Country,” a fantasy series that premiered in August and roves the 1950s-era United States along with the Korean War, outer space and an assortment of moments in the distant past. Recently, “Them” arrived on Amazon and gleefully turns ’50s racial integration into a horror series set in a white suburb. At least two movies were made about government agencies harassing — and, in Fred Hampton’s case, shooting to death as he slept — prominent Black Americans. Before these were movies like “The Hate U Give,” about a teenager drawn to protest after the police gun down her friend; and “Queen & Slim,” in which two cop-killers go on the lam and somehow fall in love. That’s for starters.Some of this work can be as lyrical as Lee’s. Yet despite its reliance upon metaphor and genre, it feels predicated upon a kind of moral literalism — or perhaps simply obviousness. The pervasion of racism oppresses the characters, the plots and maybe even us. That, of course, is how racism operates. But here it leaves no room for ideas or personalities to declare themselves. The sense of doom is totalizing and deadening. Characters can’t meaningfully connect or think without the intrusion of ghosts, monsters or the F.B.I.This isn’t to say that there’s no way to imagine wedding American crisis and magic realism. A couple of years ago, “Watchmen” fused the fight against white supremacy with superhero myths. The conflation never felt gratuitous because its makers seemed to deeply understand what they were up to and took their time fully revealing that to us. Too often, the crisis invites opportunism.In the 1970s, as Black nationalism became the dominant Black political mode, something amazing happened to American movies. They got Blacker. Before 1968, there had basically been Sidney Poitier changing the country on his own; then a galaxy of other faces materialized alongside his. But pretty swiftly, it became clear — courtesy of both gems and dross — that criminality, heroic and otherwise, would preoccupy most of these movies, many of them made by Black men. “Blaxploitation” they called it, in part for its nearsightedness.A similar monomania is back for this latest boom in Black screen expression. The crime now is discrimination deployed in order to make the past at home in the present and the present indistinguishable from the past. Continuums bend into loops. The characters feel largely like victims. And the work can feel as exploitative of an audience’s hunger to watch itself as the ’70s stuff — but without the humor, haywire electricity or invigorating loucheness. (Boy, do you do miss those now.) Here, too, are pandering and cut corners; here is leaning on genre presets that render atrocity redundant.Some of this work is trying to capture the surrealism of racism that Jordan Peele invented for “Get Out.” But while that movie introduced to popular culture a critique of white covetousness of Black personhood, it was also about the fear of the loss of oneself, about the plunge into a “sunken place” that results in racial lobotomy. The scares are external. More crucially, they’re existential.Within a year, George Floyd has become an irrevocable symbol of tragedy, reckoning and reform. That kind of transfiguration snuffs out the complexity of his everyday humanity. It’s akin to the flattening done by some popular art, where the premium’s placed not so much on characters (or, for that matter, character) but on concepts and theses; history lessons and did-you-knows. That’s why people remain drawn to Peele’s film and especially to Lee’s. There’s human mystery in them: Why are we like this? People are their genre.JOE COSCARELLISongs of Pain and DefianceDaBaby was defiant. Noname incensed and gutted in just 70 seconds. Lil Baby frustrated, overflowing, ambivalent. Beyoncé opted for exuberance. The music that flowed from young Black artists in the days, weeks and months after the murder of George Floyd — and the killings of Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery and too many others — represented a spectrum from beauty to pain, resilience to exhaustion, but never resignation. These were songs for demonstration or for the solitude of headphones — even for the Billboard charts, the Grammys, the club. “This a new vanguard,” Noname rapped, softly yet insistent. “I’m the new vanguard.”MAYA PHILLIPSThe Many Faces of George FloydRichard A. ChanceWhat does it mean to be the face of a movement? And what does it cost?Chances are you know what George Floyd looks like. Whether or not you watched the video of his death, you’ll have seen his face not just on the news but in the streets: on murals, on posters, on masks, on T-shirts.It’s not uncommon for an image of the dead to become public domain — images help us memorialize, humanize, remember. And yet in the past year, George Floyd has been omnipresent.In a mural in Houston he wears a hoodie and a pair of angel wings, the words “Forever breathing in our hearts” forming a yellow halo above his head. There are tributes in Brooklyn, Los Angeles, Atlanta, and even Berlin and the West Bank. Often, he’s placed against a heavenly backdrop of clouds. Or he’s part of a collage: In a mural by the artist Jorit in Naples, Italy, Floyd cries tears of blood next to the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., and Malcolm X.Part of the intention here was to reinforce Floyd’s innocence — to assert his place as the victim of a tragedy, to humanize him and spotlight the killings of Black Americans at the hands of the police. And in many ways that campaign was successful: We know Floyd’s name, we recognize his face, and his death incited powerful national protests.But there’s danger in the proliferation of an image; the individual isn’t the same as the image, and that individual can be lost in the very movement his image comes to represent. That once as a kid, Floyd wrote that he wanted to be a Supreme Court justice, that in high school he had the nickname “Big Friendly,” that he spent some time homeless — an image can’t account for these details or replace the work they do in realizing the enormity of a human life. As soon as Floyd became the face of a movement — even one that called for citizens to remember the victims as individual people with individual lives (“Say Their Names”) — he nevertheless became synecdochal, a symbol of Black America.Browse Etsy and Redbubble and Amazon and Teepublic: You’ll see George Floyd’s face on T-shirts and throw pillows and socks. What began as a tribute can quickly transform into a brand. Blackness is too often commodified already — slavery being our nation’s earliest and cruelest example — so the sale of a Black man’s image is an unfortunate continuation of that tradition.But this also raises the question: Why George Floyd? Which isn’t to say he is not worthy of memorial, but in a country that so routinely kills its Black citizens, where the list of names goes on ad infinitum, what faces get remembered, and why?Before Floyd, the image of Trayvon Martin in his hoodie — and sometimes the hoodie on its own, divorced from its wearer — seemed to appear everywhere. And when Breonna Taylor was killed, artists and volunteers painted a 7,000-square-foot mural to her in Annapolis, Md.The increase in surveillance — police body cams, iPhone videos from witnesses — thankfully helps allow for more accountability of police officers facing Black citizens. Yet it also presents the question of how “photogenic” a fatality is: Do we see the person’s face? How much footage do we have of the event? Did we hear their last words?Can a tragedy be recreated into artwork, or the poster image of a movement, or sold as a souvenir? Though not always intentional, the cruel alchemy of circumstances — including the manner of death, the publicity around it and the cultural temperature of the moment — characterizes how iconic a Black victim will be.On the striking June 2020 cover of The New Yorker, illustrated by Kadir Nelson, George Floyd’s face interrupts part of the magazine logo, and the silhouette of his body contains the images of other Black figures recently past or long gone: Ahmaud Arbery, Laquan McDonald, Alton Sterling, Rosa Parks, Medgar Evers, Emmett Till, Rodney King.It’s a beautiful piece of art, and works to restore dignity to Floyd’s image, which many of us first saw in that infamous video of his death. And yet so many faces on that cover are unfamiliar, and so many political messages and manners of death (some brutal, some natural) are conflated, as though they’re all Black martyrs to equivalent circumstances.But these lives and deaths weren’t at all the same. And Floyd’s image, retrofitted as a receptacle for the others, shouldn’t be made to hold the weight of every Black tragedy that came before. It’s essential that we pay attention to context, to the traditions of American oppression, and yet that shouldn’t overshadow each individual loss — each face, each character.It’s difficult to hold the same space for both grief and protest, art and commodity. One always seems to obscure the other. Even as the image of George Floyd stays with us, we must remember how many faces are forgotten. When we build an afterlife for the dead — from murals, shirts and signs — we may lose sight of the very lives we try to honor.JASON FARAGORevisiting Monuments, Revisiting HistoryRichard A. ChanceIn July 2018, a year after a white supremacist rally in nearby Charlottesville, Va., left a woman dead, a blue-ribbon commission advised the mayor of Richmond on what to do with the capital’s Confederate statues: integrate them into “a holistic narrative” that “acknowledges the emotional realities the Monument Avenue statues represent.” Well, they sure got that. In the days following George Floyd’s murder, protesters ringed Richmond’s Robert E. Lee memorial with graffiti, and soon after, they toppled a nearby statue of Jefferson Davis, dragging the Confederate president in the streets. Two Richmond artists began projecting images of Black heroes and victims on Lee’s plinth. By summer, as statues of Stonewall Jackson and other Confederates were dismantled, Monument Avenue had turned into a 24-hour protest, meeting point, cookout and dance party. It says a lot about the state of art today when so-called destruction has more aesthetic power than new painting and sculpture, but perhaps it’s best if we understand what happened in Richmond as its own kind of creation — as acts, that is, capable of reconstituting and not merely responding to our past. The statue of Lee still stands on Monument Avenue, ringed now by a protective fence. The statue of Jackson is at a sewage treatment plant.LAUREN CHRISTENSENOur Bookshelves, Ourselves?Richard A. ChanceAs protesters marched across the country last summer, reading lists were shared in living rooms and on social media, as a quieter effort toward change. If 2020 started off with vigorous debates over authenticity and “trauma porn,” with the publication of Jeanine Cummins’s novel “American Dirt” in January, it ended up in a very different place. Are we what we read? A glance at a selection of the books dealing explicitly with the subject of race that America sent to the New York Times best-seller list during this period of upheaval can offer a window into the shifting of our collective consciousness.“Such a Fun Age,” by Kiley Reid Before Karens were named, but not before they existed, Reid’s debut novel (which notched a monthslong spot on the list in January 2020) used the story of a young Black woman, her white boyfriend and her white employer to raise worthy questions about how even — especially? — so-called progressive, white liberals can end up using the Black people in their lives to demonstrate their own progressiveness.“How to Be an Anti-Racist,” by Ibram X. Kendi On June 14, 2020 — less than three weeks after the murder of George Floyd — Kendi’s 2019 book returned to the list once again, and stayed there. (Robin DiAngelo’s blockbuster 2018 book “White Fragility” had already been on the list, a first stop for many white readers aiming to learn how to Talk About Race.) There’s no such thing as being nonracist, the book argues: There are only racists and those who actively oppose racist ideas and policies in their everyday lives. Readers sought out Kendi’s words as many Americans started to take a new, overdue look at our complicity in systemic injustice.“The Vanishing Half,” by Brit Bennett Bennett published her second novel on June 2, and it remains a best seller today. Following decades in the lives of identical, light-skinned Black twins raised in a small town in Jim Crow-era Louisiana, Bennett’s multigenerational story asks: If race is a construct, who does and does not get to choose theirs?“Caste,” by Isabel Wilkerson In August, the Pulitzer Prize-winning author published her first book in a decade, comparing anti-Black racism in America to the Hindu treatment of untouchables and the extermination of Jews in Nazi Germany. Years in the making, this best seller offered a global, historical, cross-cultural context for the civil rights movement that had begun only months before it hit shelves.“The Hate U Give,” by Angie Thomas This novel about a teenager who witnesses a police officer kill her childhood friend debuted at the top of the young adult list when it was published in 2017. Thomas’s inspiration in writing it had been the fatal shooting of Oscar Grant III, an unarmed 22-year-old Black man, in Oakland, Calif., in 2009. While it speaks directly to our current moment, “The Hate U Give” has also spoken to many before, spending 214 weeks on the list in the past four years.HOLLAND COTTERMaking Museums Move FasterIt was a rough year for art museums, a year of forced consciousness-raising and reckoning. Covid-19 shut them down, raising the specter of financial disaster. Black Lives Matter activism presented them with a different, subtler threat: total irrelevance. In the wake of the murder in Minneapolis of George Floyd, it became clear that the visual culture that counted now wasn’t to be found in the galleries of elite-and-proud institutions. It was online, on city walls, in the street. Museums got the message and scrambled to respond. But, unpracticed in civil engagement, they flailed and embarrassed themselves. Hastily issued declarations of anti-racist solidarity came across as the too-little-too-late gestures they were. When, last summer, the Whitney Museum of American Art tried to hustle up a show of new activist work but failed to pay some of the artists involved, the effort was met with outrage. But there have been encouraging developments. In April, the Speed Art Museum in Louisville, Ky., opened a major exhibition dedicated to the memory of Breonna Taylor. The show was assembled in just four months — overnight, in museum time — setting a benchmark for how museums can be activists of history, not just custodians. In New York City, a post-lockdown Guggenheim Museum has temporarily transformed itself into what feels like an old-style alternative space, filling its galleries with politically timely work. And in Washington, D.C., the conservative National Gallery of Art recently announced change where it really counts: internally. A leadership team that was, until very recently, 100 percent white is now composed of more than half people of color. If this is the start of a new normal, I more than welcome it. I have zero nostalgia for the old one. More

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    Dolly Parton Statue Has Tennessee’s Support, but Not Parton’s

    AdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyDolly Parton Statue Has Tennessee’s Support, but Not Parton’sThe state legislature was considering a bill that would kick off plans to erect the statue on Capitol grounds. She has asked that the bill be pulled.“Given all that is going on in the world, I don’t think putting me on a pedestal is appropriate at this time,” Parton said in a statement.Credit…Robyn Beck/Agence France-Presse — Getty ImagesFeb. 18, 2021, 2:14 p.m. ETIt was something that Democrats and Republicans in Nashville could agree on: a statue of the country music legend Dolly Parton on the grounds of the State Capitol.The only problem? It doesn’t have Parton’s vote.The singer released a statement on Thursday asking the Tennessee General Assembly to pull a bill that would have started the process for commissioning a statue of her.“Given all that is going on in the world, I don’t think putting me on a pedestal is appropriate at this time,” Parton said in the statement, which was posted on Twitter and Instagram.A monument to Parton gained support during a debate over whether to remove the bust of Nathan Bedford Forrest, a former Confederate general, slave trader and leader of the Ku Klux Klan, from the Tennessee State Capitol. In 2019, a Republican House leader, Representative Jeremy Faison, suggested Parton as a potential replacement for the Forrest bronze; in January, a Democratic legislator, Representative John Mark Windle, introduced a bill to initiate plans for the statue on Capitol grounds. According to the bill, the statue would be positioned to face Ryman Auditorium, a storied country music venue.In her statement, Parton, 75, left the option open for a statue to be erected in the future, writing, “I hope, though, that somewhere down the road several years from now or perhaps after I’m gone if you still feel I deserve it, then I’m certain I will stand proud in our great State Capitol as a grateful Tennessean.”The singer was being considered for her role in country music history, her philanthropy and her strong Tennessee roots. (She was born in Sevierville, Tenn., or as she likes to say, “the foothills of the Great Smoky Mountains.”) It helped that Parton has long kept her political opinions to herself, saying in the 2019 podcast series “Dolly Parton’s America” that she avoided the subject because “I have too many fans on both sides of the fence.”Representative Windle’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment on whether he planned to remove the bill from consideration. The bill was scheduled to be considered by a House committee on Tuesday.On social media, Parton’s statement asking for the monument plans to be put aside drew plaudits from fans and fellow musicians who called her a “national treasure,” making some even more confident that the singer was deserving of such a tribute.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More