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    Shows Like ‘Cops’ Fell Out of Favor. Now Texas May Ban Them.

    Lawmakers passed a bill named for Javier Ambler II, who died in 2019 after officers arrested him in front of a “Live PD” television crew. If the governor signs it, this would mean the end of police cooperation with reality TV shows.Two years ago, a television crew gathered in the small city of Hawkins, Texas, to film the life and work of Manfred Gilow, the chief of police there.Cameras followed Chief Gilow as he and his officers responded to calls, snapped handcuffs onto wrists and searched vehicles for drugs. The program was not available on Texas televisions; Chief Gilow is from Germany, and that is where “Der Germinator” (a portmanteau of “German” and “The Terminator”) was broadcast.Last year, after the nationally broadcast policing shows “Cops” and “Live PD” were canceled, “Der Germinator” filmed a second season. But prospects for a third may have dimmed last week, when the Texas Legislature passed a bill that would make it illegal for law enforcement agencies to authorize reality television crews to film officers on duty.“Policing is not entertainment,” said James Talarico, the Democratic state representative who introduced the legislation. The office of Gov. Greg Abbott, a Republican, did not respond to requests for comment this week about whether he would sign the legislation.Reality law enforcement shows, Mr. Talarico said, “rely on violent encounters between citizens and the police to boost their own ratings.” He cited an investigation by The Austin American-Statesman, which reported last year that law enforcement officers in Williamson County, Texas, were more violent when the “Live PD” cameras were rolling.The bill, which the Legislature passed with bipartisan support on May 13, is named after Javier Ambler II, a 40-year-old father of two who died in 2019 after Williamson County officers forcibly arrested him in front of a “Live PD” camera crew.Mr. Ambler’s sister, Kimberly Ambler-Jones, 39, said she believed that her brother would still be alive if the television crews had not been filming. “Because they had ‘Live PD’ there, it had to be hyped up,” she said. “It had to be drama.”That show was taken off the air in June. So was “Cops,” which had beamed arrests, confrontations and car chases to televisions across the United States for decades.The cancellations came amid nationwide protests over the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis. They also followed years of campaigning by the racial justice organization Color of Change, which had been pushing networks to drop “Cops” since at least 2013.Arisha Hatch, the organization’s vice president and chief of campaigns, said the shows were one-sided and served as propaganda for law enforcement.“They violate the civil liberties of people who are forced to become the stars of the show,” she said. “They operate to make a joke about how Black communities and poor communities are overpoliced.”Ms. Hatch welcomed the Texas bill, noting that the state-level legislative approach appeared to be without precedent.But with two flagship policing programs already canceled, it is unclear whether the law would have any immediate effect if approved by Governor Abbott.A reality series set in Texas called “Lone Star Law,” on Animal Planet, could most likely continue filming as long as it keeps its focus on wildlife and game wardens, Mr. Talarico said.“Der Germinator,” on the other hand, could be at risk.Chief Gilow argued that the program should be allowed to continue, characterizing it as more of a documentary than a reality show. He said it offered German viewers a glimpse of life in the United States, as well as a cautionary tale about the consequences of crime.“I think it is positive,” Chief Gilow said. “But you will have some people just hating it because they hate the police.” He added that the show did not violate anyone’s rights and blurred the faces of people who did not consent to be filmed.Police body cameras captured the 2019 arrest of Javier Ambler II. Crews from “Live PD” were also filming, but their footage was never broadcast.Austin Police Department, via Associated PressMs. Ambler-Jones said she hoped that Mr. Abbott would sign the bill — and that similar legislation would spread beyond Texas.“I know people feel like this is just entertainment,” she said of reality policing programs. “But you don’t understand what the person on the other side of that camera is dealing with.”For months after Mr. Ambler’s death, his family did not know what had happened to him — only that he had died in law enforcement custody. The details became public last year, after The Austin American-Statesman and the news outlet KVUE obtained body camera footage.Mr. Ambler was driving in the Austin area on March 28, 2019, when Williamson County deputies tried to stop him because he did not dim his headlights to traffic, officials said. After deputies tried to pull Mr. Ambler over, the authorities said, he kept driving for more than 20 minutes before crashing his vehicle.The body camera footage showed that the officers restrained Mr. Ambler and used a Taser on him multiple times. “I have congestive heart failure,” Mr. Ambler could be heard saying. “I can’t breathe.”Mr. Ambler was taken to a hospital, where he was pronounced dead. “Live PD” footage of the arrest was never broadcast on television.Since then, Williamson County officials have faced several lawsuits related to reality television footage. Two deputies were indicted on second-degree manslaughter charges in Mr. Ambler’s death, and the former county sheriff, who lost his seat after a November election, was indicted on charges of evidence tampering. All have pleaded not guilty.A spokeswoman for Williamson County declined to comment because of pending litigation. Big Fish Entertainment, the production company behind “Live PD,” did not immediately respond to emailed questions.Mr. Talarico said he hoped the legislation, if signed into law by the governor, would keep “Cops” and “Live PD” out of Texas for good. “Without the force of law, there’s nothing preventing these shows from coming back,” he said, “except for their own conscience.” More

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    8 Ways a Modern Civil Rights Movement Moved the Culture

    8 Ways a Modern Civil Rights Movement Moved the CultureFrom music to movies, canceled podcasts to toppled monuments, our writers take stock of the culture we shared in the year after George Floyd’s murder.Richard A. ChanceBlack Squares, Mass-Producedby Amanda HessThe ‘Reply All’ Meltdownby Reggie UgwuRacism Became the Genreby Wesley MorrisSongs of Pain and Defianceby Joe CoscarelliThe Many Faces of George Floydby Maya PhillipsRevisiting Monuments, Revisiting Historyby Jason FaragoOur Bookshelves, Ourselves?by Lauren ChristensenMaking Museums Move Fasterby Holland CotterMay 20, 2021On May 25, 2020, George Floyd was murdered under the knee of a white police officer, who is now in prison. Even so, a year later — after Americans protested and posted black squares on social media; after calls for the convictions of the officers who killed Breonna Taylor and other Black Americans went unanswered — the question remains: After the most significant civil rights movement in the lifetime of many of us, how much has changed? When the dust settles, what of the uprising persists?One answer just might lie in the art. From “Judas and the Black Messiah” to H.E.R.’s “I Can’t Breathe,” from the canceling of podcasts to the toppling of monuments to oppression, from “White Fragility” to Ibram X. Kendi’s “How to Be an Antiracist”: Thanks to the culture we shared in a year unlike any other, the world looks, for better or worse, at least a little different.AMANDA HESSBlack Squares, Mass-ProducedRichard A. ChanceOne day last June, black squares fell across Instagram at a terrific speed. Instagram is a visual medium, and when tens of millions of users uploaded a blank image to their grids, it said something. But what? Did the black square announce allegiance to a protest movement against the police? Was it a simple nod of respect toward George Floyd, a kind of funeral veil thrown over the digital home of the selfie? Was it a circus of white discomfort, a mass announcement that white people felt like they ought to say something about racism, but they definitely didn’t know what? Or was it more calculated than that — a reputational strategy to shield the posters from their own reckoning?The black squares grew out of a provocation from a pair of young Black music executives. Under the name #TheShowMustBePaused, Brianna Agyemang and Jamila Thomas called out the hypocrisy endemic to the American culture industry: “I don’t want to sit on your Zoom calls talking about the black artists who are making you so much money, if you fail to address what’s happening to black people right now,” they wrote in a series of statements. “The show can’t just go on, as our people are being hunted and killed.” In its demand to improve the working conditions of Black creatives, the pause recalled the radical tradition of the labor strike.But as the idea washed across social media, its pointed message eroded. In the days leading up to the pause, brands translated its ideas into palatable corporate innuendos about “solidarity,” “diversity” and “inclusion.” The statements all seemed to be rendered in white text on black backgrounds, as if they had been mass produced in the same crisis conference room. Soon the day of action came to be known as Blackout Tuesday, with its central iconography of the black square, named after the default shape of an Instagram post.There was something suspicious about the eagerness with which the symbol of protest was taken up by entities, like N.F.L. teams, that had previously squashed Black Lives Matter activism in their ranks. #TheShowMustBePaused had been animated by its specificity: two Black women risking their careers by speaking out against racism in their industry. When millions of people joined in, the context was diluted to the point of inscrutability; the act was so popular that it came to feel perfunctory, as if everyone with a social media account was now engaging in a bit of crisis control for their personal brands. By the time the trend reached a Canadian Garfield-themed restaurant — which posted a baffling image of the cartoon cat’s eyes squinting languidly atop a black square — the movement had been recast as a farce. The campaign had come full circle: What began as a protest of corporate appropriation of Black culture became another Black cultural artifact for brands to exploit for their own ends.REGGIE UGWUThe ‘Reply All’ MeltdownPodcasts are good for going deep. They unfold unhurriedly, at the speed of a cocktail conversation, or a bedtime story. Most, to some degree, are serialized, leaving a trail of bread crumbs to draw in the listener. Over the last year, as media institutions around the country were attempting to take a deeper look at themselves, re-examining their roles in perpetuating racist narratives, few were under more scrutiny than the food magazine Bon Appetít, the subject of a multipart series that premiered in February from the celebrated internet and culture podcast “Reply All.” The series, “The Test Kitchen,” was a kind of post-mortem, investigating why the magazine had seemed to self-destruct in the wake of the protests in June, when photos resurfaced of its editor in a racially stereotyped costume. But “Reply All” hadn’t looked deep enough. After the second of four planned episodes aired, several Black former employees of the company that produces the show, Gimlet Media, cried hypocrisy. They accused Gimlet, and senior staffers of “Reply All” specifically, of the same kinds of transgressions that had plagued Bon Appetít. Within days, the series was canceled and the staffers had stepped down. It was a cautionary tale that reverberated across the industry: Reporting on racial equity is one thing, practicing it is another.WESLEY MORRISRacism Became the GenreRichard A. ChanceFor more than 30 years, when a slain Black American ushers in national tragedy, anyone looking for explanatory art could always find clarity in “Do the Right Thing.” Spike Lee released his first masterpiece in 1989, in the wake of killings in New York City. The film’s depiction of one block in a Brooklyn neighborhood and its climactic implosion pivots on gentrification, police brutality and systemic injustice that Lee refuses to name. Therein resides its power. Invisible strings pull at its characters. They’re helpless against the inferno that engulfs their home — fate, in the classical sense.The murder of George Floyd last Memorial Day left a considerably vaster wake; tragedy didn’t simply grip the nation, it shook the country, hard. This time, anyone looking for explanatory art received almost satirical algorithmic advice. Here, for instance, is “The Help.” Once again, Lee’s film felt most apt. But other television shows and movies have flooded the breach of what seems right to call the Floyd era, a period in which the status has been vigorously de-quo’ed with respect to a centuries-old racism that white Americans, suddenly, realized was as elemental for this country as fire. It’s mostly work that was made before last May but seemed to anticipate the mood since Floyd’s death crystallized ancient dismay.On HBO, there was “Lovecraft Country,” a fantasy series that premiered in August and roves the 1950s-era United States along with the Korean War, outer space and an assortment of moments in the distant past. Recently, “Them” arrived on Amazon and gleefully turns ’50s racial integration into a horror series set in a white suburb. At least two movies were made about government agencies harassing — and, in Fred Hampton’s case, shooting to death as he slept — prominent Black Americans. Before these were movies like “The Hate U Give,” about a teenager drawn to protest after the police gun down her friend; and “Queen & Slim,” in which two cop-killers go on the lam and somehow fall in love. That’s for starters.Some of this work can be as lyrical as Lee’s. Yet despite its reliance upon metaphor and genre, it feels predicated upon a kind of moral literalism — or perhaps simply obviousness. The pervasion of racism oppresses the characters, the plots and maybe even us. That, of course, is how racism operates. But here it leaves no room for ideas or personalities to declare themselves. The sense of doom is totalizing and deadening. Characters can’t meaningfully connect or think without the intrusion of ghosts, monsters or the F.B.I.This isn’t to say that there’s no way to imagine wedding American crisis and magic realism. A couple of years ago, “Watchmen” fused the fight against white supremacy with superhero myths. The conflation never felt gratuitous because its makers seemed to deeply understand what they were up to and took their time fully revealing that to us. Too often, the crisis invites opportunism.In the 1970s, as Black nationalism became the dominant Black political mode, something amazing happened to American movies. They got Blacker. Before 1968, there had basically been Sidney Poitier changing the country on his own; then a galaxy of other faces materialized alongside his. But pretty swiftly, it became clear — courtesy of both gems and dross — that criminality, heroic and otherwise, would preoccupy most of these movies, many of them made by Black men. “Blaxploitation” they called it, in part for its nearsightedness.A similar monomania is back for this latest boom in Black screen expression. The crime now is discrimination deployed in order to make the past at home in the present and the present indistinguishable from the past. Continuums bend into loops. The characters feel largely like victims. And the work can feel as exploitative of an audience’s hunger to watch itself as the ’70s stuff — but without the humor, haywire electricity or invigorating loucheness. (Boy, do you do miss those now.) Here, too, are pandering and cut corners; here is leaning on genre presets that render atrocity redundant.Some of this work is trying to capture the surrealism of racism that Jordan Peele invented for “Get Out.” But while that movie introduced to popular culture a critique of white covetousness of Black personhood, it was also about the fear of the loss of oneself, about the plunge into a “sunken place” that results in racial lobotomy. The scares are external. More crucially, they’re existential.Within a year, George Floyd has become an irrevocable symbol of tragedy, reckoning and reform. That kind of transfiguration snuffs out the complexity of his everyday humanity. It’s akin to the flattening done by some popular art, where the premium’s placed not so much on characters (or, for that matter, character) but on concepts and theses; history lessons and did-you-knows. That’s why people remain drawn to Peele’s film and especially to Lee’s. There’s human mystery in them: Why are we like this? People are their genre.JOE COSCARELLISongs of Pain and DefianceDaBaby was defiant. Noname incensed and gutted in just 70 seconds. Lil Baby frustrated, overflowing, ambivalent. Beyoncé opted for exuberance. The music that flowed from young Black artists in the days, weeks and months after the murder of George Floyd — and the killings of Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery and too many others — represented a spectrum from beauty to pain, resilience to exhaustion, but never resignation. These were songs for demonstration or for the solitude of headphones — even for the Billboard charts, the Grammys, the club. “This a new vanguard,” Noname rapped, softly yet insistent. “I’m the new vanguard.”MAYA PHILLIPSThe Many Faces of George FloydRichard A. ChanceWhat does it mean to be the face of a movement? And what does it cost?Chances are you know what George Floyd looks like. Whether or not you watched the video of his death, you’ll have seen his face not just on the news but in the streets: on murals, on posters, on masks, on T-shirts.It’s not uncommon for an image of the dead to become public domain — images help us memorialize, humanize, remember. And yet in the past year, George Floyd has been omnipresent.In a mural in Houston he wears a hoodie and a pair of angel wings, the words “Forever breathing in our hearts” forming a yellow halo above his head. There are tributes in Brooklyn, Los Angeles, Atlanta, and even Berlin and the West Bank. Often, he’s placed against a heavenly backdrop of clouds. Or he’s part of a collage: In a mural by the artist Jorit in Naples, Italy, Floyd cries tears of blood next to the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., and Malcolm X.Part of the intention here was to reinforce Floyd’s innocence — to assert his place as the victim of a tragedy, to humanize him and spotlight the killings of Black Americans at the hands of the police. And in many ways that campaign was successful: We know Floyd’s name, we recognize his face, and his death incited powerful national protests.But there’s danger in the proliferation of an image; the individual isn’t the same as the image, and that individual can be lost in the very movement his image comes to represent. That once as a kid, Floyd wrote that he wanted to be a Supreme Court justice, that in high school he had the nickname “Big Friendly,” that he spent some time homeless — an image can’t account for these details or replace the work they do in realizing the enormity of a human life. As soon as Floyd became the face of a movement — even one that called for citizens to remember the victims as individual people with individual lives (“Say Their Names”) — he nevertheless became synecdochal, a symbol of Black America.Browse Etsy and Redbubble and Amazon and Teepublic: You’ll see George Floyd’s face on T-shirts and throw pillows and socks. What began as a tribute can quickly transform into a brand. Blackness is too often commodified already — slavery being our nation’s earliest and cruelest example — so the sale of a Black man’s image is an unfortunate continuation of that tradition.But this also raises the question: Why George Floyd? Which isn’t to say he is not worthy of memorial, but in a country that so routinely kills its Black citizens, where the list of names goes on ad infinitum, what faces get remembered, and why?Before Floyd, the image of Trayvon Martin in his hoodie — and sometimes the hoodie on its own, divorced from its wearer — seemed to appear everywhere. And when Breonna Taylor was killed, artists and volunteers painted a 7,000-square-foot mural to her in Annapolis, Md.The increase in surveillance — police body cams, iPhone videos from witnesses — thankfully helps allow for more accountability of police officers facing Black citizens. Yet it also presents the question of how “photogenic” a fatality is: Do we see the person’s face? How much footage do we have of the event? Did we hear their last words?Can a tragedy be recreated into artwork, or the poster image of a movement, or sold as a souvenir? Though not always intentional, the cruel alchemy of circumstances — including the manner of death, the publicity around it and the cultural temperature of the moment — characterizes how iconic a Black victim will be.On the striking June 2020 cover of The New Yorker, illustrated by Kadir Nelson, George Floyd’s face interrupts part of the magazine logo, and the silhouette of his body contains the images of other Black figures recently past or long gone: Ahmaud Arbery, Laquan McDonald, Alton Sterling, Rosa Parks, Medgar Evers, Emmett Till, Rodney King.It’s a beautiful piece of art, and works to restore dignity to Floyd’s image, which many of us first saw in that infamous video of his death. And yet so many faces on that cover are unfamiliar, and so many political messages and manners of death (some brutal, some natural) are conflated, as though they’re all Black martyrs to equivalent circumstances.But these lives and deaths weren’t at all the same. And Floyd’s image, retrofitted as a receptacle for the others, shouldn’t be made to hold the weight of every Black tragedy that came before. It’s essential that we pay attention to context, to the traditions of American oppression, and yet that shouldn’t overshadow each individual loss — each face, each character.It’s difficult to hold the same space for both grief and protest, art and commodity. One always seems to obscure the other. Even as the image of George Floyd stays with us, we must remember how many faces are forgotten. When we build an afterlife for the dead — from murals, shirts and signs — we may lose sight of the very lives we try to honor.JASON FARAGORevisiting Monuments, Revisiting HistoryRichard A. ChanceIn July 2018, a year after a white supremacist rally in nearby Charlottesville, Va., left a woman dead, a blue-ribbon commission advised the mayor of Richmond on what to do with the capital’s Confederate statues: integrate them into “a holistic narrative” that “acknowledges the emotional realities the Monument Avenue statues represent.” Well, they sure got that. In the days following George Floyd’s murder, protesters ringed Richmond’s Robert E. Lee memorial with graffiti, and soon after, they toppled a nearby statue of Jefferson Davis, dragging the Confederate president in the streets. Two Richmond artists began projecting images of Black heroes and victims on Lee’s plinth. By summer, as statues of Stonewall Jackson and other Confederates were dismantled, Monument Avenue had turned into a 24-hour protest, meeting point, cookout and dance party. It says a lot about the state of art today when so-called destruction has more aesthetic power than new painting and sculpture, but perhaps it’s best if we understand what happened in Richmond as its own kind of creation — as acts, that is, capable of reconstituting and not merely responding to our past. The statue of Lee still stands on Monument Avenue, ringed now by a protective fence. The statue of Jackson is at a sewage treatment plant.LAUREN CHRISTENSENOur Bookshelves, Ourselves?Richard A. ChanceAs protesters marched across the country last summer, reading lists were shared in living rooms and on social media, as a quieter effort toward change. If 2020 started off with vigorous debates over authenticity and “trauma porn,” with the publication of Jeanine Cummins’s novel “American Dirt” in January, it ended up in a very different place. Are we what we read? A glance at a selection of the books dealing explicitly with the subject of race that America sent to the New York Times best-seller list during this period of upheaval can offer a window into the shifting of our collective consciousness.“Such a Fun Age,” by Kiley Reid Before Karens were named, but not before they existed, Reid’s debut novel (which notched a monthslong spot on the list in January 2020) used the story of a young Black woman, her white boyfriend and her white employer to raise worthy questions about how even — especially? — so-called progressive, white liberals can end up using the Black people in their lives to demonstrate their own progressiveness.“How to Be an Anti-Racist,” by Ibram X. Kendi On June 14, 2020 — less than three weeks after the murder of George Floyd — Kendi’s 2019 book returned to the list once again, and stayed there. (Robin DiAngelo’s blockbuster 2018 book “White Fragility” had already been on the list, a first stop for many white readers aiming to learn how to Talk About Race.) There’s no such thing as being nonracist, the book argues: There are only racists and those who actively oppose racist ideas and policies in their everyday lives. Readers sought out Kendi’s words as many Americans started to take a new, overdue look at our complicity in systemic injustice.“The Vanishing Half,” by Brit Bennett Bennett published her second novel on June 2, and it remains a best seller today. Following decades in the lives of identical, light-skinned Black twins raised in a small town in Jim Crow-era Louisiana, Bennett’s multigenerational story asks: If race is a construct, who does and does not get to choose theirs?“Caste,” by Isabel Wilkerson In August, the Pulitzer Prize-winning author published her first book in a decade, comparing anti-Black racism in America to the Hindu treatment of untouchables and the extermination of Jews in Nazi Germany. Years in the making, this best seller offered a global, historical, cross-cultural context for the civil rights movement that had begun only months before it hit shelves.“The Hate U Give,” by Angie Thomas This novel about a teenager who witnesses a police officer kill her childhood friend debuted at the top of the young adult list when it was published in 2017. Thomas’s inspiration in writing it had been the fatal shooting of Oscar Grant III, an unarmed 22-year-old Black man, in Oakland, Calif., in 2009. While it speaks directly to our current moment, “The Hate U Give” has also spoken to many before, spending 214 weeks on the list in the past four years.HOLLAND COTTERMaking Museums Move FasterIt was a rough year for art museums, a year of forced consciousness-raising and reckoning. Covid-19 shut them down, raising the specter of financial disaster. Black Lives Matter activism presented them with a different, subtler threat: total irrelevance. In the wake of the murder in Minneapolis of George Floyd, it became clear that the visual culture that counted now wasn’t to be found in the galleries of elite-and-proud institutions. It was online, on city walls, in the street. Museums got the message and scrambled to respond. But, unpracticed in civil engagement, they flailed and embarrassed themselves. Hastily issued declarations of anti-racist solidarity came across as the too-little-too-late gestures they were. When, last summer, the Whitney Museum of American Art tried to hustle up a show of new activist work but failed to pay some of the artists involved, the effort was met with outrage. But there have been encouraging developments. In April, the Speed Art Museum in Louisville, Ky., opened a major exhibition dedicated to the memory of Breonna Taylor. The show was assembled in just four months — overnight, in museum time — setting a benchmark for how museums can be activists of history, not just custodians. In New York City, a post-lockdown Guggenheim Museum has temporarily transformed itself into what feels like an old-style alternative space, filling its galleries with politically timely work. And in Washington, D.C., the conservative National Gallery of Art recently announced change where it really counts: internally. A leadership team that was, until very recently, 100 percent white is now composed of more than half people of color. If this is the start of a new normal, I more than welcome it. I have zero nostalgia for the old one. More

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    Behind ‘Strange Fruit,’ Billie Holiday’s Anti-Lynching Anthem

    It helped make Holiday a star, but it was written by Abel Meeropol, a teacher in the Bronx. An Oscar nomination and a year of protests against racism have kept it in the conversation.When Billie Holiday first performed “Strange Fruit” in 1939, the song was so bold for the time that she could sing it only in certain places where it was safe to do so.The song likened the lynched bodies of Black people to “strange fruit hanging from the poplar trees.”Ahmet Ertegun, the legendary music executive, hailed it as “a declaration of war” and “the beginning of the civil rights movement.”The song has garnered renewed attention since Andra Day was nominated for an Oscar for best actress for playing Holiday in “The United States vs. Billie Holiday.” The film, which debuted on Hulu in February, chronicles Holiday’s defiance in the face of the government’s efforts to suppress “Strange Fruit.” The Oscars air on Sunday evening.Holiday popularized the song, causing many to believe she was responsible for its chilling lyrics. That notion was reinforced by the 1972 film “Lady Sings the Blues,” which suggests that Holiday, played by Diana Ross, wrote the song after witnessing a lynching.In fact, the song was written by Abel Meeropol, a white Jewish schoolteacher in the Bronx.Mr. Meeropol was moved to write it after seeing a photograph of the lynching of Thomas Shipp and Abram Smith in Marion, Ind., in 1930. The photograph, by Lawrence Beitler, shows two bodies hanging from a tree as a crowd of white people look on, some grinning. Thousands of copies of the photo were printed and sold, according to National Public Radio.Abel Meeropol wrote the music and lyrics to “Strange Fruit,” using the pseudonym Lewis Allen.Boston University LibraryMr. Meeropol, using the pseudonym Lewis Allen, did not write the song for Holiday. It was first published as a poem in the New York teachers’ union magazine in 1937.He was known for his communist views, and for adopting the two sons of Ethel and Julius Rosenberg, who were executed after being convicted on espionage charges. Mr. Meeropol’s wife, Anne, sang “Strange Fruit,” as did several others, before Holiday performed it at Café Society, an integrated nightclub in New York City, in 1939.At the time, the song’s message — conveyed with lines like, “Pastoral scene of the gallant South, the bulging eyes and the twisted mouth” — was immensely controversial.Yet in the 21st century, “Strange Fruit” has lived on, sampled in the 2000 song “What’s Really Going On,” in which the singer Dwayne Wiggins recounts an episode of racial profiling at the hands of the police in Oakland, Calif.And in 2021, as the nation continues to reckon with a series of killings of unarmed Black people by the police — often captured in gruesome footage of Black men being shot or, in the case of George Floyd, knelt on by white officers — “Strange Fruit” has maintained its place in the national conversation about racism.The song “is going to be relevant until cops start getting convicted for murdering Black people,” Michael Meeropol, one of Abel Meeropol’s sons, told “CBS This Morning” before Derek Chauvin, a former Minneapolis police officer, was convicted of murdering Mr. Floyd.“When that happens, maybe then ‘Strange Fruit’ will be a relic of a barbaric past,” he said. “But until then, it’s a mirror on a barbaric present.” More

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    Vijay Iyer’s New Trio Is a Natural Fit. Its Album Is ‘Uneasy.’

    The pianist teamed up with the bassist Linda May Han Oh and the drummer Tyshawn Sorey for a record that came together during a period of tragedy and unrest.The pianist Vijay Iyer composed the title track to his new trio album, “Uneasy,” back in 2011 for a collaboration with the dancer and choreographer Karole Armitage. It was still a few years before the 2016 presidential campaign, when so many of the country’s old wounds and resentments would burst onto public display, but he already felt some undercurrents stirring.“It was 10 years after 9/11, and having been in New York for all that time, any kind of moment of relative peace felt precarious,” he said recently by phone from his home in Harlem. “I’m speaking not just about the attack itself, but all of the aftermath: the blowback, the backlash against communities of color, the atmosphere of surveillance and fear.”“It was the Obama years, so there was a certain kind of exuberance about possibility, and there was also a kind of unease,” he added. “It was a time of the Affordable Care Act and of drone warfare, gay marriage and mass deportations.” With digital surveillance becoming a fact of life, he was struck, as an American-born artist of South Asian descent, by the feeling “that this thing Americans love to call freedom is not what it appears to be,” he said.Another decade has now passed, and the version of “Uneasy” that appears on the album, out Friday, seems to be carrying a mix of heavy thought and rich optimism — a typical blend in Iyer’s work. He’s joined by two slightly younger musicians with sizable followings of their own, Linda May Han Oh on bass and Tyshawn Sorey on drums. As improvisers, they’ve got a few things in common: the ability to play with a lithe range of motion and resplendent clarity, in the style of well-schooled jazz musicians, while stoking a kind of writhing internal tension. Crucial to that balance is their ability to connect with each other in real time, almost telepathically.The title track unfolds ominously over more than nine minutes, starting off in a dark cloud of doubt, with Iyer’s low piano repetitions hovering around a slow, odd-metered pattern. Later, the group upshifts — abruptly, but without totally losing its cohesion — into a quicker, charging section with a wholly different rhythm, Iyer’s right hand darting in evasive gestures while Oh holds down the scaffolding and Sorey adds action and sizzle.The trio first came together in 2014 at the Banff International Workshop in Jazz and Creative Music, where Iyer, now 49, and Sorey, now 40, serve as artistic directors. The two have been collaborating since 2001, when Sorey wowed Iyer at a rehearsal. During a break, Sorey started casually noodling on the piano, and Iyer soon realized he was playing an excerpt from Iyer’s most recent album. It wasn’t even from the song’s melody; it was part of Iyer’s improvised solo on the recording.“He was just this 20-year-old,” Iyer said. “So I already knew, like, oh, this is a bona fide genius right here.” (Indeed, in the years since, both Iyer and Sorey — who is now as well known for his long-form compositions as he is for his drumming — have been awarded MacArthur “genius” grants. They have also both become professors of music at Ivy League institutions.) Sorey joined the collective trio Fieldwork, with Iyer and the saxophonist Steve Lehman, and their partnership blossomed.In 2013, Iyer took over as artistic director at Banff — a creative enclave in Alberta, Canada, where students gather every year for a three-week improvisation workshop — and he found himself inviting Sorey to teach alongside him each year. Eventually, he formalized their relationship as a partnership, welcoming Sorey as his co-director.Oh, 36, had collaborated here and there with both Iyer and Sorey before also becoming a regular instructor at Banff. She said she appreciated the fluidity of the divide between instructors and students that the workshop fostered. Speaking by phone from her home in Australia, Oh recalled the poetry of how Iyer encouraged students to think about the notes they played on their instrument in relationship to the range of their own speaking voice.Playing Iyer’s compositions, she said, can be like working out “beautiful little puzzles,” and she called Sorey an ideal teammate.“It’s a lot of fun to tread that line between what is inbuilt in that structure and what we can sort of dialogue on, and have a conversation over that,” she said. Sorey is “so thorough with the inbuilt things in the composition, but he’ll create these sparks that you really don’t expect,” she continued. “It’s just constant energetic dialogue.”Oh also has a knack for establishing sturdy foundations without sinking into a pattern. Playing together, she said, “We can be reactive and proactive at the same time.”The group started recording in 2019, but Iyer didn’t cull the tracks they’d recorded into an album until the following year, when the name “Uneasy” felt even more painfully apt. Elianel Clinton for The New York TimesIyer was quick to emphasize the importance of Sorey’s supportive style, calling it remarkable for an artist who has so much to say on his own terms. He described starting to nod toward one song in the middle of playing another, maybe just flicking at a phrase, and then feeling Sorey immediately dive into it, anticipating his next move, as if to catch him. “Because he hears everything, it means we can just do anything,” Iyer said.In an interview, Sorey said he always felt “most at home in situations where it’s only three players,” describing this particular trio as “basically one organism.”“That feeling of intimacy leads to a certain type of trust where there can be no wrong done,” he said.The group entered the studio in 2019, but Iyer didn’t cull the tracks they’d recorded into an album until the following year, when the name “Uneasy” felt even more painfully apt. “It was under the conditions of the hell that was 2020: tragedy and loss and the political battle of the century,” he said. “Then, on the other hand, an incredible uprising of, particularly, young people fighting for justice for Black people, and for everybody. That is imagining a future.”Some of the song titles speak to this theme: “Children of Flint” refers to the water crisis in Michigan; “Combat Breathing” was composed in 2014 in solidarity with Black Lives Matter activists, and presented as part of a “die-in” at the Brooklyn Academy of Music. But so do the sounds themselves — tetchy and bristling, while evincing an inspiring level of unity and compassion.When it came time to choose the cover art for the album, Iyer rejected nearly a dozen suggestions from Manfred Eicher, the head of ECM Records, before settling on a black-and-white double-exposure by the Korean photographer Woong Chul An. It shows the Statue of Liberty, blurry and gray, seemingly caught between the clouds in the sky and another puff of clouds hanging just above the sea.“When I saw it, I didn’t know how to feel about it,” Iyer said. “For one thing, what does it mean for me to have this on my album cover? What does this even represent?”Ultimately, he was attracted to the hazy ambivalence that the image conveys. “This one is a distant image of the Statue of Liberty, not as this looming prideful symbol but as almost what looks like this rejected figure,” he said, pointing to the fact that France had offered the statue to the United States in celebration of the end of chattel slavery here.“As this symbol tends to represent freedom in America, it is also tied to abolition,” he said. “So the fact that those concepts are bound is, I felt, important to highlight. They seemed to sit in an uneasy relation to one another, freedom and its opposite.” More

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    A New Generation Pushes Nashville to Address Racism in Its Ranks

    AdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyA New Generation Pushes Nashville to Address Racism in Its RanksA small contingent of country artists and industry players have been speaking up in a business that likes to shut down dissent.Mickey Guyton, the only Black female country singer signed to a major label, quickly tweeted a challenge to Nashville after the star Morgan Wallen was caught on video using a racial slur.Credit…Mark Humphrey/Associated PressFeb. 12, 2021Less than 30 minutes after TMZ posted a video of the country star Morgan Wallen using a racial slur on Feb. 2, Mickey Guyton, the only Black female country singer signed to a major label, tweeted her reaction: “The hate runs deep.”She added, “How many passes will you continue to give?” and “So what exactly are y’all going to do about it. Crickets won’t work this time.”A few other mainstream country artists commented about the incident on social media, but many figured Nashville would do as it has almost always done when one of its stars is under fire: circle the wagons and shut up. “It’s been the norm for country artists to stay silent and not use their platform for controversy,” said Leslie Fram, CMT’s senior vice president of music strategy.By the following day though, radio conglomerates including iHeartMedia, Cumulus and Entercom pulled Wallen’s songs from rotation at hundreds of stations, and major streaming services removed him from playlists. CMT stopped running his videos. The Academy of Country Music declared him ineligible for its upcoming awards. All this while Wallen’s second album, “Dangerous: The Double Album,” topped the Billboard 200 chart for the third straight week.While Guyton’s tweets alone weren’t responsible for the swift rebuke, she is one of a small contingent of mostly female artists — among them Cam, Maren Morris, Margo Price and Amanda Shires — and industry players whose advocacy has pushed the country music business to begin confronting issues of racism and diversity that go beyond one artist’s misdeeds.“I was really encouraged by how fast every group in the industry showed up,” said Cam, a Grammy-nominated singer and songwriter. “But I don’t think aha moments to call someone on something so ingrained in everyone is going to be the tide changer.”“I’d assume a lot of males aren’t speaking out because they’re comfortable in their places of power and money,” said Amanda Shires.Credit…Mark Zaleski/Associated PressThe work these women do isn’t easy to quantify. Much of it is about deliberately nudging the public conversation in Nashville toward uncomfortable questions about racial equity. That can mean using social media to trumpet a book like Layla F. Saad’s “Me and White Supremacy” or excoriate the band formerly known as Lady Antebellum for tangling with a Black artist over the name Lady A. Other times, it’s participating in diversity and inclusion task forces. In November, when Morris was named female vocalist of the year at the Country Music Association Awards, she used her acceptance speech to highlight the struggle of Black women in country music, including Guyton, Rissi Palmer, Yola and Brittney Spencer.That it’s often been a group of women who speak the loudest is perhaps unsurprising. Female artists have faced huge barriers in the industry themselves, from sexual harassment and objectification to unwritten rules limiting airplay for women.“In the female experience, you understand what it is to be the underdog, to come into a situation that’s mostly white-male-driven and try to assert yourself,” said Palmer, who hosts an Apple Music radio show called Color Me Country that spotlights the genre’s Black, Indigenous and Latino roots.Shires, a singer-songwriter who also performs alongside Morris in the Highwomen, put it bluntly: “I’d assume a lot of males aren’t speaking out because they’re comfortable in their places of power and money. Why would they want it to change?”The story of male artists’ dominance in country music is a long-running one. Between 2014 and 2018, 84 percent of artists on Billboard’s year-end country charts were men, according to a study by the Annenberg Inclusion Initiative at the University of Southern California.The relative silence of many of country’s biggest stars, male and female, is partly habit but also partly economics. Whether stars and gatekeepers are indifferent to racism or not, they fear fans are.“If they’re worried they’re going to financially take a fall, they keep their mouths shut,” said Price. “They’d rather keep that rebel dollar.”“For three days, I was threatened, called a racist, a bigot, a nobody,” Rissi Palmer said of the consequences of speaking up online after Charley Pride’s death.Credit… Chip Somodevilla/Getty ImagesBut crediting these mostly white women for being country’s social conscience is itself indicative of the larger problem. “White women speaking up is a result of we don’t let Black women speak up,” said Cam. With a few frequently noted exceptions, in Nashville, she said, “Black people aren’t even allowed in the door, cannot be in writing rooms, cannot get signed, don’t have a Twitter following, so you never hear them.”Part of this work is amplifying those marginalized voices. Shires and Morris have worked with both Spencer and Yola. Morris, Cam and Guyton are part of a group text with Palmer and Andrea Williams, a Black journalist and author based in Nashville, where they share reading suggestions, relay personal experiences and strategize.“How is it that two white women even partially understand what the experience is like for Black people in country?” asked Cam. “It’s because we’re learning from Black women. We watched what’s going on with Mickey and talked to her.” Cam said she and Morris use their platforms to share what they’re learning more widely.Williams, a lively Twitter presence, hasn’t shied from needling the ideologically like-minded — including Morris, and Shires’ husband, Jason Isbell — when she feels they’ve fallen short in bids to be good allies. “I’d rather people not say anything than say the wrong thing,” she said. “Sometimes, you need to listen and learn.” She pointed out that two of the first artists to respond to the Wallen incident, Kelsea Ballerini and Cassadee Pope, posted that his behavior “does not represent” country music.“That’s more hurtful than people who didn’t say anything because you’re diminishing the very real experiences of people who know for a fact this is actually indicative of the way this entire industry works,” she said.Cam stressed the importance of white artists listening to and learning from Black people before speaking out: “We watched what’s going on with Mickey and talked to her.”Credit…Frank Hoensch/Redfern, via Getty ImagesAccording to Williams, focusing on gender obscures country music’s “original sin”: “Country was created with the sole intent of marketing to a particular racial demographic. We divided Southern music into white hillbilly records and Black race records. This dividing line is as stark now as in the 1920s,” she said.This current reckoning traces to last summer’s nationwide Black Lives Matter protests. Just days after George Floyd’s killing at the hands of Minneapolis police, Guyton released the startlingly personal “Black Like Me” and country’s only mainstream male artists of color — Darius Rucker, Kane Brown and Jimmie Allen — spoke forthrightly about their own experiences, while the rest of the country music industry largely struggled to meet the moment. Other artists and executives were quick to share supportive hashtags but in a genre where mainstream Black performers can be counted on one hand and Black faces are hardly any more common behind the scenes, their efforts felt insubstantial.Lorie Liebig, a Nashville-based publicist and journalist, began compiling a Google Doc tracking what country artists had posted — or not posted — in support of Black Lives Matter. Shires was among the first to share the spreadsheet widely, but as it was disseminated, the harshest reactions often were aimed at Liebig herself.“There was a day when it first hit, my Twitter was just cascading with negative responses,” she said. “A lot were saying I was racist toward white people. I ended up being doxxed. They posted my parents’ address.”Many of these women have faced similar bile. “I’ve been called pretty much every name in the book,” said Price. “I’ve had people send me threatening DMs. I’m sure it’s cost me album and ticket sales.”After the Black country pioneer Charley Pride’s death in December, Palmer criticized eulogies that whitewashed his legacy. “For three days, I was threatened, called a racist, a bigot, a nobody,” she said. “I’ve been called a Nazi propagandist, which was my favorite.”But the steady pressure these women have been exerting seems to be starting to shift the conversation. While it remains to be seen whether the consequences Wallen has faced signal any enduring appetite for change — he returned for a fourth week at No. 1 after the incident, and was not roundly condemned by Nashville, where defenders and sympathetic voices spoke up on his behalf — there are signs the ground is moving. Four of the 10 acts chosen for CMT’s “Next Women of Country” this year are Black. The National Museum of African American Music recently opened in downtown Nashville — across the street from country music’s symbolic home, the Ryman Auditorium.“We’re a long way from seeing sweeping changes but every time the light bulb goes on for somebody else, we’re closer,” said Williams. “Because as we all come together, and we’re all firing texts back and forth at midnight in these group chats, we’re more powerful than any of us as individuals. All we need is more people to join the fight.”AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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    The Metropolitan Opera Hires Its First Chief Diversity Officer

    AdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyThe Metropolitan Opera Hires Its First Chief Diversity OfficerMarcia Sells has been brought on to rethink equity and inclusion at the largest performing arts institution in the United States.Marcia Sells, who has been hired as the first chief diversity officer in the Metropolitan Opera’s history.Credit…Eileen BarassoJan. 25, 2021Updated 1:32 p.m. ETMarcia Sells — a former dancer who became an assistant district attorney in Brooklyn and the dean of students at Harvard Law School — has been hired as the first chief diversity officer of the Metropolitan Opera, the largest performing arts institution in the United States.Her appointment, which the Met announced on Monday, is something of a corrective to the company’s nearly 140-year history and a response to the Black Lives Matter demonstrations that followed the killing of George Floyd in 2020. It’s also a conscious step toward inclusivity by a major player in an industry in which some Black singers, including Leontyne Price and Jessye Norman, have found stardom, but diversity has lagged in orchestras, staff and leadership.Since last summer, cultural institutions across the country have made changes as the Black Lives Matter movement drew scrutiny to racial inequities in virtually every corner of the arts world. The Met was no exception: The company announced plans to open next season with Terence Blanchard’s “Fire Shut Up in My Bones,” its first opera by a Black composer, directed by James Robinson and Camille A. Brown, who will become the first Black director to lead a production on the Met’s main stage. It also named three composers of color — Valerie Coleman, Jessie Montgomery and Joel Thompson — to its commissioning program.But to make broader changes at the Met, an institution with a long payroll and a budget in the hundreds of millions of dollars, the Met is turning to Ms. Sells. As a member of the senior management team, she will report to Peter Gelb, the general manager. The human resources department will be brought under her direction, and her purview will be broad: the Met in its entirety, including the board.“Sometimes horrible events like the killing of George Floyd catalyze people, and they realize this is something we need to do — at the Met and across the arts,” Ms. Sells said in an interview about her plans to make the Met a more inclusive company that values the diversity of its staff and the audiences it serves.Mr. Gelb described Ms. Sells as an “ideal” candidate. “Not only does she have a history of accomplishment, but she also has a knowledge of the performing arts, having been involved in them herself,” he said in an interview. “And she loves opera, which is definitely a plus.”Ms. Sells began dancing as a 4-year-old in Cincinnati, an arts-rich city where she found herself both onstage and in the audience of the storied Music Hall, and where she saw a young Kathleen Battle sing as a student at the University of Cincinnati College-Conservatory of Music.“It had been part of my growing up to experience art,” she said.She later joined Arthur Mitchell’s company, Dance Theater of Harlem, then remained in New York to attend Barnard College and Columbia Law School. Ms. Sells described herself as “an affirmative action baby,” and said that as both a dancer and a law student she had encountered racism, both overt and insidious, that made her feel unwelcome.Ms. Sells recalled, for instance, a judge in the mid-1980s who told her that witnesses had to wait outside the courtroom. She said that she was actually an assistant district attorney, and he replied, “Wow, things have changed.”Diversity has been at the fore of her work as an administrator — at places including Columbia, the N.B.A. and eventually Harvard Law, where she has been the dean of students since 2015. Her mandate at the Met won’t be too far from that of Harvard, another institute often perceived as elite to the point of exclusivity.“It’s not just that you want to get it right,” Ms. Sells said. “There are a lot of eyes on you, but it’s a huge opportunity to show the way, as well as learn from other organizations that don’t have as big a name, are not as well known, and help shine a light on that work and on them.”She plans to start at the Met in late February. Among her early tasks will be to conceive a diversity, equity and inclusion plan that could be implemented across hiring, artistic planning and engagement; she will also examine structural inequities at the Met, and work with the marketing and development departments to broaden the company’s audience and donor base.The Met has been shut down because of the pandemic since last March, and most of its workers have been furloughed without pay since April. It is facing a major labor dispute with its unions, as well as more than $150 million in lost revenue from the theater’s closure. But Mr. Gelb said that the company hopes to receive assistance for diversity-related costs from foundations.What those costs are will become clearer as Ms. Sells settles into her new job. She said that she was ready, and motivated by the company’s recent recognition “of how structurally or historically the Met has not felt welcoming to people of color” and the range of possibilities for change.“I truly believe,” Ms. Sells said, “that this is the Met’s moment.”AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More

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    Pixar’s ‘Soul’ Has a Black Hero. In Denmark, a White Actor Dubs the Voice.

    #masthead-section-label, #masthead-bar-one { display: none }What to WatchBest Movies on NetflixBest of Disney PlusBest of Amazon PrimeBest Netflix DocumentariesNew on NetflixAdvertisementContinue reading the main storySupported byContinue reading the main storyPixar’s ‘Soul’ Has a Black Hero. In Denmark, a White Actor Dubs the Voice.The casting has fueled a debate about structural racism and fanned anger about stereotyping and prejudice in European-language voice-overs, even when films have main characters of color.Jamie Foxx is the voice of the main character in “Soul,” Joe Gardner. In some dubbed versions for European release, white actors have taken that role.Credit…Disney/PixarJan. 16, 2021, 6:09 a.m. ETCOPENHAGEN — Like most of their counterparts around the world, Danish film critics initially greeted “Soul,” Pixar’s first animated feature to focus on Black characters and African-American culture, with rapture, hailing its sensitive, joyful portrayal of a jazz musician on a quest to live a meaningful life.The film was described as “a miracle,” by one reviewer in Denmark, “beautiful and life-giving” by another.What the Danish press did not initially focus on, by and large, was the characters’ race. But that changed after the movie’s release on Dec. 25, when realization spread that the Danish-language version had been dubbed primarily by white actors. This is also the case in many other European-language versions of “Soul.”While in most countries, the film’s voice-over casting has barely registered with the public, in Portugal, more than 17,000 have signed a petition calling on Pixar to remake the local edition with actors of color. “This movie is not just another movie, and representation matters,” the petition states.Joe Gardner, the main character in “Soul,” is Pixar’s first Black protagonist. and the studio took steps to accurately represent African-American culture, hiring Kemp Powers as a co-director and installing a “cultural trust” to safeguard the story’s authenticity. The actor Jamie Foxx, who voices Joe in the English-language original, told The New York Times, “To be the first Black lead in a Pixar film feels like a blessing.”In the Danish version, Joe is voiced by Nikolaj Lie Kaas, who is white. When the national newspaper Berlingske interviewed scholars and activists who expressed their disappointment about this and suggested that the casting was an example of structural racism, a fiery controversy erupted, prompting Lie Kaas to issue a statement about why he had accepted the role.Nikolaj Lie Kaas, a Danish actor, voices Joe Gardiner’s part in the Danish version of “Soul.”Credit…Vittorio Zunino Celotto/Getty Images“My position with regards to any job is very simple,” he wrote on Facebook. “Let the man or woman who can perform the work in the best possible way get the job.”Asta Selloane Sekamane, one of the activists who criticized the casting in the Berlingske article, said in an interview that no one can claim there wasn’t enough Black talent to fill the main roles, because actors of color were hired to voice some of the minor parts. “It can’t be the constant excuse, this idea that we can’t find people who live up to our standards,” she added. “That’s an invisible bar that ties qualification to whiteness.”Mira Skadegard, a professor at Aalborg University in Denmark who researches discrimination and inequality, said the resistance to accusations of structural racism was unsurprising. “In Denmark, we have a long history of denial when it comes to racism, and a deep investment in the ideal of equality,” she said.“We don’t really understand this as a critique of institutions and structures; we see it as a critique of who we are,” she added.In Denmark and Portugal, dubbing is generally reserved for animation and for children’s programs. But in other European countries, including France, Germany, Italy and Spain, most mainstream films from abroad are dubbed, and the practice is seen as an art in its own right — one that rests on the practitioners’ ability to make themselves unobtrusive.“The best dubbing should pass by completely undetected,” said Juan Logar, a leading Spanish dubbing director and voice actor.“My job is to find the voice that best matches the original,” said Logar. “Black, white, Asian, it doesn’t matter.”Charles Rettinghaus, a German dubbing artist, expressed a similar sentiment. In his 40-year career, he has been the voice of actors including Jean-Claude Van Damme and Javier Bardem, but he said he felt a special connection with Jamie Foxx, whom he has covered in more than 20 films, including the German version of “Soul.”Although he is white, Rettinghaus said he had not felt pressured to step away from any Black roles, adding that the same opportunities should apply to actors of all races. “It doesn’t matter if you are Black, you should be and are allowed to dub anything,” he said. “Why shouldn’t you play a white actor or an Indian or an Asian?”Kaze Uzumaki, a Black colleague of Rettinghaus, said it was more complicated than that. Uzumaki dubs the character of Paul in “Soul” and has lent his voice to the German versions of dozens of other American films and television series. Almost without exception, his roles were originally played by actors of color.“At first, I really didn’t like it,” he said. “But I figured I was more comfortable with me speaking the role than a lot of other white colleagues who don’t have a good knowledge of the English language, and can’t really tell what a Black person sounds like.”The German actor Kaze Uzumaki voices the role of Paul in the German version of “Soul.”Credit…Kaze UzumakiUzumaki said that he had dubbed doctors of color in hospital shows, only to be told by the director that he sounded “too educated.”“They don’t even realize that they’re being racist,” Uzumaki said. “But every time a director says something like, ‘No, you sound too polished; you know how they talk, right?’ I feel like I’ve been hit with a stick in the face.”The discrimination is often double-edged. Ivo Chundro, a Dutch actor of color who dubbed the part of Paul in “Soul” for distribution in the Netherlands, said, “Directors will only cast white actors for white parts, and tell actors of color, ‘No, your voice isn’t white enough.’”Some directors say that demographics limit who they select. “In Spain, we don’t have a second generation of immigrants yet,” said Logar. “Except for a few very young kids, there aren’t a lot of Black actors who were born here and speak Spanish without an accent.”Actors of color like Chundro and Uzumaki contend that those directors simply aren’t looking hard enough. But there are signs that things are starting to change. In 2007, a dubbing director in France told the actress Yasmine Modestine that, because she was mixed race, her voice wasn’t right for a part. Based on her complaint, the French equal opportunities commission investigated the dubbing industry as a whole and found a culture of prejudice and stereotyping.Fily Keita, right, dubs the voices of many famous actresses — both Black and white — for their movies’ French releases.Credit…Yan Coadou/Thibaut MicheSince then, the opportunities for voice actors of color have expanded there. Fily Keita, who voiced Lupita Nyong’o in the French-language version of “Black Panther,” said that she didn’t feel held back as a Black actor working in the industry. She has also lent her voice to roles played originally by white actresses, such as Amanda Seyfried and Jamie-Lynn Sigler.“I love dubbing precisely because it’s a space of freedom,” she said. “Where you’re not limited by your physical appearance.”Chundro, the Dutch actor, said that the Black Lives Matter movement was starting to shift the conversation around race and representation in the Netherlands. He cited a demonstration in Amsterdam in June as helping open eyes to enduring racism.“I used to have a lot of discussions about racism where people just didn’t get it,” Chundro said. But the protest “was like a bandage being ripped off a wound, and since then, it’s been much easier to talk about,” he added.With that greater awareness has come more opportunities, he said. “There’s more work out there, and I’m getting cast a lot more.”Sekamane, the Danish activist, also credited the movement with changing attitudes. “I’m 30 years old, and my whole life I’ve been told racism is in my head,” she said. “It’s only in the last year, thanks to Black Lives Matter, that the conversation has started to change.”AdvertisementContinue reading the main story More